The Antifa Dialectical metaRealist™ Collective ::: Mōšẹh ʾẠhărōn bẹn Hẹʿərəšəʿl, founder ::: www.Antifa.red

Concise Introduction

The libertarian Antifa movement (MP3), or anti–fascism, opposes the domination of subaltern (MP3) or marginalized races, ethnicities, nationalities, castes, and tribes. Antifa is a praxis within anti–authoritarian socialism. There is, when utilizing a Venn diagram (), a limited overlap between various left–centrist, and third–way, ideologies and the Left. The question is, Which of these philosophies will become the primary source for one’s assumptions? While advancing, mindfully, toward individual and collective emancipation, the preliminary class consciousness of New Deal progressivism, social democracy, or Keynesianism can be among the biggest obstacles to proletarian class consciousness. Thought bridges must be built to guide people from progressivism to the Left. The Left and the right are sets of diverse categories, not of spectrums. Antifa Dialectical metaRealism™, in its activism, dialectically absents the absences of the right–wing Guardian Angels.

In Antifa Dialectical metaRealism, we appreciate that, throughout World War II, only the American Empire possessed and deployed the formidable and dreadful power of the atom. Presently, under the hypnotic spell of a potentially devastating multilateral arms race, the nuclear club has mushroomed alarmingly. Signs of genuine unity are nowhere to be seen. That same atom, the very unit of existence, could, by utilizing the nuclear biscuit’s Gold Code, kill most or perhaps even all of us. Sadly, the President of the United States has, in this arena of domination, no accountability. Not the Vice–President, not the Secretary of State, not the Secretary of Defense, not Congress, and not the Supreme Court has veto power over the President’s authority to launch nuclear missiles.

The only sensible response to the scourge of neofascism is the left–libertarian one: Antifa. Contrary to revolting right–wing propaganda, Antifa has nothing to do with punching people. That practice has only been performed by a few social misfits here and there. Such gravely unfortunate people can be found on the periphery of virtually every social movement. Neofascism and its cohorts, such as neonazism, must be challenged and ultimately destroyed. I describe, in broad outlines, a nonaggressive approach to doing so on this website. However, there is no room for compromise or accommodation with fascistic individuals. The conceivable ramifications of merely burying one’s head in the sand are candidly too dire. The massive shedding of blood, from a bygone era of the first half of the 20ᵗʰ century, should never be repeated.

Nazism (German, Nazismus [MP3])—short for National Socialism (German, Nationalsozialismus [MP3])—in Germany, Fascism (Italian, Fascismo [MP3]) in Italy, and Kokka•Shugi (Japanese, 国家主義 [MP3], nationalism)—including Nippon•Gunkoku•Shugi (Japanese, 日本軍國主義 [MP3], Japanese militarism)—in Japan forever tarnished human history. Each one of them revealed, in its own unique way, the potentially evil and deadly consequences of an unchecked authoritarianism. A similar time, which might be referred to as an age of right–authoritarianism or possibly a period of neofascism, could be upon us. For the socially alientated age in which we live, going back to a past of power for the majority, not for the minority, may appear, to some, as an attractive alternative. The levers of power must be universal.

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Social Theory

This current of  (ADmRC™), a cell of The Real Antifa (MP4 video or MP3 audio), is an agent of left regroupment or unity. ADmRC requires left refoundation or renewal. Moreover, ADmRC is libertarian Marxist communism rather than reformist democratic socialism or social democracy. As a praxis of the The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism™ (MP3) or IDmR™–a nonpartisan Bahá’í–inspired social–and–economic development (SED) project for individuals from diverse backgrounds–ADmRC’s major sources are:

Bhaskarian critical realism (MP3), from philosopher and libertarian Marxist Roy Bhaskar ([MP3] 1944–2014), is a metatheory and socialist or communist methodology for implementing Marxist socialism. In the view of this writer, socialism may be established, at least initially, within the Third World, Indigeneity, or both.
Socialism from below–Third Worldism–Fourth Worldism, a heterodox Maoist perspective commonly referred to as Maoism–Third Worldism, asserts that a socialism which opposes the American Empire must begin, below the bourgeoisie, with the Proletariat and the Fourth World (or the Subaltern) in the Third World, Indigeneity, or both.
Intersectional Marxism, a far–left transformation of intersectionality, should not to be confused with the original, progressive intersectionality developed by legal scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw ([MP3] née 1959), sociologist Patricia Hill Collins (née 1948), and many other American Black feminists.
Kyriarchy (MP3) is an expansion of intersectionality, and intersectional Marxism in particular, to incorporate: imperialism, colonialism, and cultural hegemony.
Antifa (MP3) is an activist and antifascist praxis of libertarian Marxist communism which, in DmR, intersectionally shifts its center from the imperialist and authoritarian domination of the First World, the Empire, or the American Empire to the Third World, Indigeneity, the global Proletariat, and the Fourth World (or Subalternity).

Each of the above five basic perspectives of Dialectical metaRealism will now be layed out in the “Pentad” diagram:

ADmRC accepts “Red” Rosa Luxemburg’s typology of spontaneity and organization. Spontaneous uprisings will be largely unplanned responses to ongoing deteriorations in the capitalist world–system. They shall, quite likely, intensify over the coming months and years. Localism, perhaps persisting for several centuries or even millennia, will follow the collapse of capitalism. Organized revolutionary activities may take place at some point. socialism, the completion of the dialectic, might then be established in two stages: first, a transnational state and, second, a localized global federation or administration. Yet, the political economy to come and corollary social institutions must be formulated by our heirs or beneficiaries. There are no road maps or manuals. If you happen to stumble upon Establishing Libertarian Marxist Communism for Dummies, do not waste your money. No such book has been, or could be, written. 

A multifaceted tendency is the central focus of The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism™ (MP3) or IDmR™, and ADmRC. Among ADmRC’s primary targets is the vast corruption, incluidng medical corruption, in the predominantly Subaltern or Fouth World Mexican–American McAllen, Texas, area. As an example, despite its poverty, McAllen has the second most expensive costs in the U.S. following Miami. Another target is Tamaulipas, México. Both lie in the Rio Grande Valley. Among our memberships are: rs21: revolutionary socialism in the 21ˢᵗ century (see their Facebook page), the Modern International Socialist Association (see their Discord channel), F!ght✊Fasc!sm, the International Association for Critical Realism, the United Socialist Front, ZNetwork, Marx21 US, the Union for Radical Political Economics, and The Bundist Movement.

ADmRC has never been dogmatically attached to its own viewpoints. Whether ADmRC or some other individual or collective formulates a workable revolutionary strategy is beside the point. Capitalists have demanded credit and residuals. Our sole concerns are deliverance and personal autonomy. We do feel, however, that Bhaskarian critical realism, or a related methodology, will need to be incorporated into whatever framework will emerge over time. Still, the sands continue flowing rapidly through the hourglass. Given the daunting global diffusion of fascist and quasi–fascist ideologies, Dialectical metaRealism, or a like-minded construction delineated by someone else, shall, we hope, serve as a redemptive socialist current for the 21ˢᵗ century and possibly beyond. We are ignorant on most matters, but we know what we know.

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 Promenades to Praxis
ADmRC will now consider the important issue of praxis or revolutionary practice. Theory, which has been discussed up to this point, is unproductive, indeed paralyzed, unless activists and revolutionaries champion the rights and liberties of the other. We will always be: nonconfrontational, protective, and militantly defensive―but never violently offensive. Whenever events might warrant, activists could, for instance, escort the targets of fascistic persons or groups to safe areas. Strategically, union members, working, alongside non–unionized workers, can all strive for a left–libertarian Marxist individual and social freedom. Protect the vulnerable, attempt to educate fascists whenever possible, and report criminal acts by fascists to law enforcement. Primarily, keep one’s eyes open at all times. Be prepared to confront the unexpected. Focus principally on the exigencies of the Third and Fourth Worlds, not the First World.
To highlight the modern–day issue of police brutality against unarmed Black women and men: If ADmRC witnesses such an incident, we would immediately intervene. If necessary, we would attack the perpetrators of the state violence and defend the victim. It is apparent that merely yelling at members of so–called law enforcement has not been a successful tactic. Those officers should be immediately terminated and criminally prosecuted. As representatives of the state, they should be held to a higher ethical standard than others, not, as is commonly believed, a much lower one. Therefore, the burden of proof for imprisoning or executing those former police officers should be notably low. Their names will remain on a national pig registry for the rest of their lives. Not all cops are pigs. Some police officers are highly ethical and possess a strong moral compass. I have personally known a few. However, a considerable number of cops would certainly qualify as pigs.
I despise fascism, nazism, the alt–right, and the like, but the only pathway to really empathize with miscreants, however contemptible, is by sincerely conversing with them. Sometimes fascists with their cohorts have even abandoned fascism or similar philosophies and become socialists and revolutionary socialists. Dialogue is not appeasement. Presumably, my approach to this matter parallels one taken by most academic socialists. I have, over my years in higher education, had students from various far–right fringe positions. One learns, through experience, to deal effectively with a broad spectrum of individuals without over–reacting. Becoming hysterical or terror–stricken only aids in achieving the objectives of one’s opponents. Yet, to be brutally honest, this capacity was carefully cultivated. It did not develop naturally.
How can individuals identified with the amorphous Antifa effectively challenge fascistic movements? Because many thrive on publicity and attention, tactically ignoring them is an option. Sadly, that is unlikely to succeed, since the media will, presumably, cover their events. Another approach is to attend their rallies and irately heckle them. Yet, that method could easily backfire. It might provide these deluded individuals with the publicity and attention they crave. Perhaps the best alternative is to cultivate superb socialicators. Experts on far–right phenomena could write articles and letters to the editor, appear on radio and TV, and, as an online content creator, produce videos for YouTube, Twitch, Daily Motion, Vimeo, TikTok, and similar video–sharing services. One can also choose anonymity. That way, the possibility of reprisals may be reduced. I am, in some circles, a public figure, so anonymity would not be possible in my case. Nor would I desire namelessness. But we are all different.
I have, when circumstances warranted, kicked self–defined fascists and neonazis out of my college classes who have made disparaging comments about minorities. That, to me, is like yelling fire in a crowded theater. In doing so, I am not only enacting formal college policy but my own values. As to who gets the power to define hate speech, such is the heart of the problem. The Western world, and perhaps the U.S. in particular, is divided in a so–called culture war, and, unfortunately, universal agreement is wanting that minorities and oppressed persons should be protected. Their primary advocates and champions should be people, like myself, who would ordinarily be defined by the public as white males. That would be the embodiment of a caring sociality, which I have viewed only seldomly and in select groups.
The author and social commentator Mark Twain, pen name of Samuel Langhorne Clemens (1835–1910), has been alleged to utter such words as history does not repeat itself, but it rhymes. The poetry of capitalism and hardship is a bit too frequent to ignore. Thus, contrary to the views of the originator of evolutionary socialism, German revisionist Eduard Bernstein (MP3; 1850–1932), the matrix which produced the capitalist world–system can hardly remedy it. Numerous obstacles hamper the expansion of American socialism and revolutionary socialism—particularly in middle schools, high schools, and academies of higher learning or education—in the first half of the 21ˢᵗ century. These albatrosses must be earnestly examined. They should then, in righteous indignation, be confronted, directly or indirectly, by Antifa.
Antifa, while obviously far from perfect, is, however, the beloved. American Antifa, the most enduring legacy of the New Left, is a current or tendency of libertarian Marxism. As such, Antifa must be adored, nurtured, improved, and treasured. Casually dismissing it because of the possible intemperance of some fanatics serves no purpose and, as the saying goes, throws out the baby with the bathwater. What higher and more honorable duty do we have, as global citizens, than to fight—through left refoundation and left regroupment—neofascism and its kindred spirits? They are, possibly, the most challenging social problems which now afflict the current generation. A passion for left unity is, borrowing a term popularizied by some religious groups, our calling. This “secular” universalism can be encouraged by all antifascists.
ADmRC totally rejects accelerationism. Some approaches to Antifa, common among many anarchists and even some Marxists, argue that socialists must engage in acts of civil unrest in order to hasten the demise of capitalism. To us, accelerationism is both unnecessary and morally problematic. The causal mechanisms of the dialectic are bringing the intersectional capitalist system to a fitting finale. Those mechanisms do not require human interventions or accelerants. socialism, however, is not inevitable. The revolution will begin, in full force, in the ash heap of capitalism. The contemporary world of lumproletarians will be replaced by class–conscious Proletarians. Should we survive long enough to inhabit such a world, even Platonic proto–fascism must be rejected.
Among secondary schools and universities, the Students’ Democratic Coalition was, in years gone by, a social movement organization of the libertarian American New Left. This writer was reared, since the relative antiquity of 1968, in that coalition. He is currently a libertarian Marxist socialism. Nevertheless, a vast panorama of traditionalisms and conservativisms now appear diabolically on the ascendent in the modern world. These dogmas and sentiments of iniquity are among the major coat–tails of global capitalism in the present era. With an ardent scrutiny, shun them like the plague. Meanwhile, treat the believers in doctrines, however vile, with respect. Separate the individual, as best one can, from her or his mindset. Struggle against the tide, through a heart flowing with love and passion, for the ascendency of the Third World.
ADmRC strongly favors the activism of social justice warriors (SJWs). In our viewpoint, their nascent class consciousness makes them ideal prospects to be libertarian Marxists and Antifa. SJWs should, therefore, be both praised and guided to synthesize their praxis with libertarian Marxist and Maoist–Third Worldist theory. They must not be condemned and dismissed, as is now all–too common on the faux left. A non–SJW libertarian socialist is an oxymoron or a contradiction in terms. Left–libertarianism must displace the entire intersectional capitalist world–system. Opposing: LGBTQQIAA/GSD/SGD rights or anti–heterosexism, feminism, Black Lives Matter, Occupy, anti–racism, anti–ethnicism, anti–nativism, anti–ableism (anti–disablism in British Commonwealth English), and so on is inconsistent with a socialism of genuine liberty.
Obviously, not all SJWs are Leftists. The majority of these activists, though I am only speculating, would most likely be left–wing (left of center) and position themselves as progressives, liberals, social democrats, or reform–minded democratic socialists. With whichever tendency one chooses to identify, should any claimant to Leftism attack liberation or social justice movements of oppressed persons, she or he is not, by our definition, on the Left. Indeed, one of the oddest behaviors I have seen on discussion forums by alleged Leftists is the mimicking of right–wing anti–feminism. As itemized in my partial list, feminism is hardly a unified movement. Even so, Leftists do not malign feminists. We are not suggesting that all feminist types on the list are Leftist. Some are, while others, most likely, are not. That notwithstanding, all are feasible candidates.
At least in part, ADmRC uses the term SJW as a tactic for disruption. We are, indeed, mindful that, among many self–defined Leftists, the abbreviation has acquired a negative undertone. In our view, such an outlook on SJWs is misguided. By intentionally utilizing the label in this essay and in our work, we are consciously challenging people to confront their own prejudices. Our ultimate hope is that individuals will reconsider their appraisals of SJWs. By alienating a segment of the population which decidedly has the potential to become libertarian socialists, we are, in effect, shooting ourselves in the foot. Knowingly or not, such estrangements can, in the long run, damage our cause. We would prefer to welcome and embrace SJWs as possible comrades in libertarian socialism than to disrespect them with biased slurs.

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 Fascistic Ideologies
Fascism is a genre of liberation but altogether the wrong kind. Libertarian Marxists desire to liberate the oppressed from the oppressor. Many fascists, oddly enough, seemingly wish to liberate the oppressor from the oppressed. Some fash crudely misappropriate the language and symbols of the Left, including populist references to revolution and the utilization of a fist clenched in solidarity. These confiscations, perhaps intended to hoodwink certain less informed people, may be successful on occasion. However, Antifa activists should persevere in their attentivenes and alertness to such deceptive activities and, as appropriate, squarely and decisively challenge them. An indispensable tool for any effective emancipatory praxis—which is considerably more crucial than someone’s orthodoxy—must be intellectual warfare.
For purposes of our activism, ADmRC has a much broader definition of fascism than is commonly held by others. Plain and simple, to us, fascism is is authoritarianism. Libertarian Marxist socialism is freedom. If a person of color, a woman, a disabled individual, or, for that matter, anyone was being assaulted on the street, or elsewhere, we would immediately take action. Whether the assailant or aggressor was thin and diminutive or muscular and 7′ tall is irrelevant. Far too many people exhibit the bystander effect. They observe a gross act of injustice but simply walk on by. All of us will, inevitably, die at one point or another. It is far better to pass on as a defender of the helpless than as a self–centered coward. As we see it, opposing authoritarianism, in its multiple and diversified forms, is the open heart of Antifa. Our focus on the Third and Fourth Worlds is primary, not exclusive.
Assemblages of contradictions are all too commonly observed in fascistic, protofascistic, neofascistic, and quasifascistic ideologies. These ideologies must be dutifully acknowledged, established as ethically illegitimate, and swiftly cast aside as untenable. ADmRC is dedicated to the proposition that fascism and comparable evils can be thoroughly vanquished in a span of merely one or two generations. Should, on the other hand, these ideologies be permitted, through our collective inaction, to gather both energy and followers, and to not simply fester, the consequences for this planet may, indeed, be extremely grave. Let us all labor and hope for the day when such fascistic systems are nothing more than a footnote in freshman, or first–year, university history texts. At that point, the pathway to libertarian Marxist communism will be cleared.
One of the more stunning exemplars of fascism is the German political theologian and jurist Carl Schmitt (MP3). In the midst of his long life, 1888–1985, he witnessed the fascist world he had entered fall apart. Schmitt’s  foremost legacy was his work on sovereignty. Whether an individual or a collective, the sovereign decides on the exception. As such, the sovereign is essentially deified. The connection of sovereignty and exceptionality, on the one hand, with fascism and related ideologies, on the other, is unmistakable. Schmitt’s political theology can even be read as a prophetic endorsement of Donald Trump’s politics of exclusion. Exceptions made by fascists and their like are multiple: Jews, Muslims, Latinos, Armenians, Gypsies, various Indigenous peoples, or any population which is othered, marginalized, or subaltern (MP3).
Notably, right–libertarianism is quite frequently difficult to distinguish from right–authoritarianism. Sovereign citizens wrongly believe that, by filing precise legal documents, their personal authority automatically eclipses the laws and regulations of their respective countries. Certain true believers in sovereign citizenship have committed horrific acts of domestic terrorism in both the U.S. and other nations. Listen to this sixty–second audio file (MP3), and read these articles (PDF) on the movement. Many of the materials which focus upon the sovereign citizen movement (MP3), and its precarious activities, have been provided to the general public as a courtesy of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (the FBI). Earnestly studying them could, I feel, be beneficial. The more one understands about one’s antagonists, the better.
Hebrew–language and, later, traditional Arabic–language numbering systems were deliberately selected to admonish, if not to flagrantly shame, individuals who should be admonished and ashamed―practitioners of antisemitism (MP3) and Islamophobia (MP3).  The list just below features only a selection of fascism’s ultra–right cousins. Nevertheless, the careful reader should bear in mind that not all instances of the specific categories included are necessarily either authoritarian or hateful. Thus, the National People’s Party in the U.K., which has defined itself as National Bolshevik (Russian, Национальный Большевик [MP3], Nacionalʹnyj Bolʹševik), is one apparent case of such a tolerant antifascist grouping. Although ADmRC does not support the party’s platform, its distinctivness should, in fairness, be duly noted.
Here is an alphabetized enumeration of diverse ideologies, spanning a spectrum from exemplary to mostly disgusting, which share one or more conglomerated aspectss of authoritarianism:
alt–rightism (MP3). Listen to an interview with the purported founder of this neonazi movement, infamous for its nazi salutes which include “Heil [U.S. President Donald J.] Trump,” Richard Spencer (MP3), born in 1978.
antifeminism (MP3) is exemplified by right–wing radio’s highly controversial and often despised host, Rush Limbaugh, 1951–2021, who called radical feminists, women opposed to patriarchy (male dominance), “feminazis.”
Baʻathism (Arabic, بَعْثِيَّة [MP3], Baʿ̊aṯiyyaẗ, “Awakening”) and the Baʻath Party (Arabic, حِزْب البَعْث [MP3], Ḥiz̊b ʾal•Baʿ̊aṯ, “the Party of Awakening”) are represented, currently, by Bashar Hafez al–Assad (Arabic, بَشَّار حَافِظ الأَسَد [MP3], Baššār Ḥāfiẓ ʾal•⫯Asad, “Operation Custodian the Lion”), born in 1965, of Syria (Arabic, سُورِيَا  [MP3], Sūriyā) and, formerly, by Saddam Hussein Abd al–Majid al–Tikriti (Arabic, صَدّام حُسَيْن عَبد المَجِيد التِكْرِيتِيّ [MP3], Saddām Ḥusaẙn ʿAb̊d ʾal•Maǧīd ʾal•Tik̊rītiyy, “Confronter Handsome Servant of the Exalted the one from the Iraqi city of Tikrit”), 1937–2006, of Iraq (Arabic, عِرَاق [MP3], ʿIrāq). Tikrit (Arabic, تِكْرِيت [MP3], Tik̊rīt, “pointed” or “arrow”) is Arabized from the Syriac, ܬܲܓܪ݂ܝܬ‎ (MP3), Tagrīṯ. Arguably, Baʻathism is third positionist. The principal reason that Baʻathism never achieved its goal of becoming truly pan–Arabic is that it is secular. Although there is increasing secularization in the Arab world, Baʻathism started well before that time.
Calvinistic presuppositional apologetics (MP3).
Christian Biblical Worldview Movement (MP3). See, for example, this website.
Christian fundamentalism (MP3).
Christian identity movement (MP3).
postmillennial and dominion theologies (MP3).
Fourth Political Theory (MP3) or Četvertaâ Političeskaâ Teoriâ (Russian, Четвертая Политическая Теорияâ [MP3]) of Alexander Gelyevich Dugin (Russian, Алекса́ндр Ге́льевич Ду́гин [MP3], Aleksándr Gélʹevič Dúgin), born in 1962 (MP3 talk).
Hindutva (Hindi, हिन्दुत्व [MP3], Hinduness).
Islamism (Arabic, إِسْلَامِيَّة [MP3], ⫰Is̊lāmiyyaẗ) refers to right–wing political Islam. Some people have referred to it as Islamofascism or, with historical inaccuracy, as Islamic fundamentalism. (Fundamentalist Christians alone self–define as “fundamentalists.”). Unless no clear–cut alternatives can be found, I generally prefer, as a sociologist of religion by profession, not to designate people by terms which they themselves consider to be offensive. Although I never expect that courtesy to be returned, I am pleased when it is reciprocated.
Islamophobia, previously mentioned, and the discrimination, sometimes violent, against Muslims are commonly opposed by supporters of Antifa.
Juche (Korean, 주체 [MP3], Chuch’e or 主體 [MP3], Chuch’e, “self–reliance” or “subject”) is the Party of North Korea. Juche was developed by President Kim Il Sung (Korean, 김일성 주석 [MP3], Kim•Il•Sŏng•Chusŏk), 1912–1994 A.D. Despite its occasional knee–jerk authoritarianism, Juche should be supported by all socialists for its courageous opposition to Empire.
Justice and Development Party (Turkish, Adalet ve Kalkýnma Partisi [MP3]), of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (Turkish [MP3]), born in 1954.
Ku Klux Klan (MP3), or KKK, is based, etymologically, on the two “k” (Ancient Greek, κάππα [MP3], káppa) letters in the word kýklos (Ancient Greek, κύκλος [MP3], “circle”) plus “Klan.”
militia movement (MP3).
national anarchism (MP3).
National Bolshevism (MP3) or, in Russian, Nacional–Bolʹševizm (Национал-Большевизм [MP3, MP4 video with Caleb Maupin, and GIF]). It can be abbreviated as Nazbol.
national syndicalism (MP3) or, in French, syndicalisme national (MP3) is really just fascism by another name.
nativism (MP3).
nazism and neonazism (MP3) or, in German, Nazismus und Neonazismus (MP3). Since Adolf Hitler (MP3) was originally a disciple of Benito Mussolini (MP3), nazism can be regarded as a form of fascism.
neoconfederalism (MP3).
the neo–folkish movement (MP3) or, in German, die neo–völkisch Bewegungen (MP3).
neonazi satanism (MP3).
969 movement (MP3) (Burmese,  ၉၆၉ လှုပ်ရှားမှု [MP3], 969 hlôkshahmu) engages in blatant Islamophobia (MP3).
ôðalism/odalism (MP3 and MP4) or ôðalisme (Norwegian [MP3]).
odinism (MP3), wotanism (MP3), or wodenism (MP3). (PDF).
patriot movement (MP3).
political or state Zionism (MP3) (Hebrew, צִיּוֹנוּת הַמַמְלַכְתִּית [MP3], Ṣiyyōnūṯ hạ•mạməlạḵətiyṯ).
red–brown alliances (MP3) refer to federations of the authoritarian far left (red) and the ultra–right of fascism and nazism (brown). Variations also exist, including red–brown–green alliances (which incorporate authoritarian ecological movements).
red fascism (MP3) and left fascism (MP3). The term, red fascism, refers to Joseph Stalin (Georgian, იოსებ სტალინი [MP3], Ioseb Stʼalini; or Russian, Иосиф Сталин [MP3], Iosif Stalin), who was not literally a fascist, entering into a nonaggression pact with Nazi Germany, later abandoned, and his authoritarianism. Left fascism has similar connotations. However, it is often applied to left–authoritarian regimes more broadly. Stalin was a great scientific socialist. Some disagree. That is their prerogative. This category was, neverthelesss, included for consistency.
right–wing populism (MP3).
Salafism (MP3) (Arabic, سَلَفِيَّة [MP3], Salafiyyaẗ, “pious predecession”) or, somewhat disrespectfully, Wahhabism (MP3) (Arabic, وَهَّابِيَّة [MP3], Wahhābiyyaẗ).
Strasserism (MP3), in German Standard German, Straßerismus (MP3), or Swiss Standard German, Strasserismus (MP3).
tea party movement (MP3).
third positionism (MP3). It is also just neofascism by another name. Technically, however, third positionism refers to an ideology beyond both capitalism and socialism.
thuleanism (MP3) or, in German, Thuleanismus (MP3).
The Traditionalist School (MP3) is a narrow–minded approach to the perennial philosophy (MP3). I also view the latter rather negatively but for reasons unrelated to Antifa, i.e., a seemingly arbitrary religious or spiritual selectivity. Traditionalists, using their own personal judgement, make authoritarian assertions on which religious traditions are legitimate and which supposedly are not. In a sense, rigid truth criticia may, broadly speaking, be considered “fascistic.” Nevertheless, Traditionalist Julius Evola (MP3) was a literal fascist. As I see it, he merely brought the Traditionalist School’s premises to their logical conclusions.
United Russia (Russian, Еди́ная Росси́я [MP3], Edínaâ Rossíâ) is the right–wing and crony–capitalist political party of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin (Russian, Влади́мир Влади́мирович Пу́тин [MP3], Vladímir Vladímirovič Pútin), born in 1952.
white identitarianism and nationalism (MP3).
white power  (MP3).
xenophobia (MP3).
Xi Jinpingism (Mandarin Chinese, 习近平主义 [MP3], Xí•Jìnpíng•Zhǔyì), or what Foreign Affairs magazine has dubbed Xitocracy (MP3), refers to the authoritarian capitalism of Xi Jinping (Mandarin Chinese, 习近平 [MP3], Xí•Jìnpíng), born in 1953.

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 “Extremist” Lexicon
Radical, a term often employed by Leftists from a broad spectrum of tendencies and currents, has unfortunately been reduced into an essentially over–used smear word. Any descriptive or critical significance which radicalism may have at one time conveyed was long ago clouded by the parlor games played and then played again in partisan politics. For explaining the manifold intersections of domination, tendencies or currents are many. However, all heart–centered libertarian socialists, libertarian socialists, libertarian Marxists, left–libertarians, left–socialists, and revolutionary and libertarian democratic socialists must, we would most strongly contend, be unreservedly, and very proudly, dedicated  extremists. ¡Viva la revolución! (Spanish [MP3]) ❉ Taḥ°yā ʾal•ṯaw°raẗ! (Arabic, تَحْيَا الثَوْرَة! [MP3]) ✹ Yəḥiy hạ•mạhəpēḵāh! (Hebrew, יְחִי הַמַהְפֵּכָה! [MP3]) 🞻 zan°dih•i Bād•i ʾin°qalāb (Persian, زَنْدِه بَاد اِنْقَلَاب [MP3])
Semitic:  mutaṭarrif (Arabic, مُتَطَرِّف [MP3]), qiyṣōniy (Hebrew, קִיצוֹנִי [MP3]), sꞌənəfäña (Amharic, ጽንፈኛ [MP3]), sawpanaʾ (Syriac, ܣܵܘܦܵܢܵܐ [MP3]), and estremisti (Maltese [MP3]).
Indo–Iranian: ʾin̊tihā pasan̊da (Urdu, اِنْتِہَا پَسَنْدَ [MP3]), ʾin̊tihāpasan̊d (Sindhi, اِنْتِهَاپَسَنْد [MP3]), ʾif̊rātí (Persian and Pashto, اِفْرَاطَی [MP3]), ifrotgaro (Tajik, ифротгаро [MP3]), kaṭaṛavādī (Guramukhi Punjabi, ਕੱਟੜਵਾਦੀ [MP3]), ḱaṭaṛavādí (Shahmukhi Punjabi, کَٹَڑَوَادِی [MP3]), ativādin (Sanskrit, अतिवादिन् [MP3]), ativādī (Hindi, अतिवादी [MP3]), antavādīn (Sinhalese, අන්තවාදීන් [MP3]), ugravādī (Nepali, उग्रवादी [MP3]), and caramapanthī (Bengali, চরমপন্থী [MP3]).
Dravidian: oru tīvravādi (Malayalam, ഒരു തീവ്രവാദി [MP3]), ugragāmi (Kannada, ಉಗ್ರಗಾಮಿ  [MP3]), ativāda (Telugu, అతివాద [MP3]), and tīviravāti (Tamil, தீவிரவாதி [MP3]).
Sino–Tibetan: jíduān•fēnzi (Mandarin Chinese, 极端分子 [MP3]), gik6•dyun1•zyu12•zi2 (Cantonese Chinese/Gwong2•Dung1•Waa6, 極端 [MP3]), and a hcyan•ayrark•warde (Burmese, အစြန္းေရာက္ဝါဒီ [MP3]).
Kra–Dai: h̄ạw•runræng (Thai, หัวรุนแรง [MP3]) and hua•hunæhng (Lao, ຫົວຮຸນແຮງ [MP3]).
Austroasiatic: chroulniyom (Khmer, ជ្រុលនិយម [MP3]) and một kẻ cực đoan (Vietnamese [MP3]).
Italic: ultra (Latin, ultrā [MP3]) or ne plus ultra (Latin, nē plūs ultrā [MP3]), extrémiste (French [MP3]), extremista (Spanish [MP3]), extremista (Portugese [MP3]), extremista (Italian [MP3]), and extremist (Romanian [MP3]).
Germanic: Extremist (German [MP3]), extremistische (Dutch [MP3]), ekstremist (Danish [MP3]), ekstremistisk (Norwegian [MP3]), extremist (Swedish [MP3]), öfgafullur (Icelandic [MP3]), víðgongdur (Faroese [MP3]), 
ʿẹqəsəṭərʿimiysəṭ (Yiddish, עֶקְסְטְרעִמִיסְט [MP3]), 


ekstremist (Frisian [MP3]), and ekstremistiese (Afrikaans [MP3]).
East Slavic: ékstremistskij (Russian, экстремистский [MP3]), ekstremíst (Ukrainian, екстреміст [MP3]), and ékstrémíst (Belarusian, экстрэміст [MP3]).
West Slavic: extrémista (Slovak [MP3]), ekstremista (Polish [MP3]), and extrémisty (Czech [MP3]).
South Slavic: ekstremista (Bosnian–Serbo–Croatian, ekstremista or екстремиста [MP3]), ekstremistki (Bulgarian, екстремистки [MP3]), skrajnežev (Slovenian [MP3]) or ekstremistično (Slovenian [MP3]), and ekstremistički (Macedonian, екстремистички [MP3]).
Finnic–Uralic: äärimmäisyysmies (Finnish [MP3]) and äärmuslik (Estonian [MP3]).
Austronesian: seorang ekstremis (Indonesian [MP3]), lan ekstremis (Javanese [MP3]), kaiwhakatuma (Māori/Te Reo Māori [MP3]), ka poʿe extremist (Hawaiian [MP3]),  extremist (Sundanese/Basa Sunda [MP3]), and ekstremista (Filipino [MP3]).
Turkic: aşırılıkçı (Turkish [MP3]), ékstremisttik (Kyrgyz, экстремисттик [MP3]), ekstremistik (Uzbek [MP3]), ékstremistík (Kazakh, экстремистік [MP3]), and ifratçı (Azerbaijani [MP3]).
Bantu: wachikulire (Chichewa/Cinyanja/Cinianja [MP3]) and chinopisa (Shona [MP3]).
linguistic isolates: cayraheġakan (Armenian, the lone survivor of the Thraco–Phrygian Indo–European sub–family, ծայրահեղական [MP3]), extremistḗs (Modern Greek, εξτρεμιστής [MP3]),  kŭktan chuŭija (Korean, 극단 주의자 [MP3]),  muturreko (Basque [MP3]), and ekstremist (Albanian [MP3]).
constructed languages (conlangs): ekstremisto (Esperanto [MP3]), estremiste (Lingua Franca Nova/Elefen/LFN [MP3]), extremista (Interlingua [MP3]), lölimik (Volapük [MP3]), ekstremist (Interslavic [MP3]), estremiste (Elefen [MP3]), extremiste (Sambahsa/Sambahsa–Mundialect [MP3]), extremarum partium fautor (Neo–Latin [MP3]) or extremarum partium sectator (Neo–Latin [MP3]), ekstremist (Slovio [MP3]), extremist (Unish [MP3]), uvilupuno (Kah [MP3]), and extremista (Lingwa de Planeta/Lidepla/LdP [MP3] my own coined term based upon standard LdP rules).
miscellaneous:  kageki•ha (Japanese, 過激派 [MP3]), kageki ha (Japanese, かげき は [MP3]), kageki ha (Japanese, カゲキ ハ [MP3]), msimamo mkali (Swahili/Kiswahili [MP3]), xag–jirnimo (Somali [MP3]), extremistas (Yucatec Maya [MP3]), and ekstʼremistʼuli (Georgian, ექსტრემისტული [MP3]).

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 Concluding Thoughts
Antifa has, regrettably, become one of the more favored objects of derision among right–wingers. These individuals represent, in my view, the most menacing threat to the American Left since the McCarthyist era of the 1950s. My reflections on the issue of Antifa, as a focal point of contempt and mockery, often drift into many directions. However, to maintain a degree of focus, I shall conclude with a single notion. I would challenge the most virulent anti–Antifa right–winger to find a respectable sampling of Jews who, after being informed of the emancipatory goals of Antifa, oppose it. Since I have done no independent research on this subject, my reflections are, I admit, provisional. However, as a man—one born and raised in that population—I suspect that the numbers will be underwhelming. The objectives of Antifa are sadly twisted by the word’s common mispronunciation. There is no such thing as än–tee′–fə. Rather, Antifa is an acronym. The enunciation, än–tee–fä′ (MP3), is completed as antifascism.
For clarification, as the humble founder of ADmRC, I will suggest a simple proposition to the kind reader of this essay: Please follow ADmRC on NationStates (), and also connect with us on Facebook (). If you are Antifa, an advocate, or any type of left–libertarian, we most warmly welcome your participation in our discusssions and your valued input. However, for security reasons, all memberships are by invitation only. ADmRC—based upon our long–term considerations—tries to be prudent and practical when accepting new comrades into the collective. Although this Antifa cell remains open to newcomers, we are well–aware of isolated acts of aggression, such as the juvenile punching seen, however rarely, among some other and totally unaffiliated groups of Antifa. The reasons why any Antifa cell would tolerate such nonsensical violence is beyond us. But, frankly, it is really none of our business. As to us, we are neither looking to make trouble nor to find it. ADmRC also staunchly supports, and identifies with, Antira  (MP3), namely, antiracism.

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